Citations:CCP

English citations of CCP

• 1968, Lucian W. Pye, “The Political Process in Action: The Communes”, in The Spirit of Chinese Politics: A Psychocultural Study of the Authority Crisis in Political Development‎^[1], M.I.T. Press, →LCCN, →OCLC, page 203:

  From November 28 to December 8, 1958, the CCP Central Committee held its sixth plenum in Wuhan, Hopei^{[sic – meaning Hupei]}, and at the end of the session it issued a revealing resolution that declared there had been some misconception about the system and that party committees throughout the countryside should make full use of the five months from December 1958 to April 1959 to tidy up the communes.

• 1971, Deborah S. Davis, “The Cultural Revolution in Wuhan”, in The Cultural Revolution in the Provinces‎^[2], Harvard University Press, →ISBN, →LCCN, →OCLC, →OL, pages 151–152:

  On August 23 at Wuhan’s first Red Guard rally, Governor Chang T’i-hsueh, who was also second secretary of the Central Committee of the Hupei CCP, presided.¹⁵ Two days later the Wuhan CCP convened a rally of middle school Red Guards, while the Federation of Trade Unions convened a meeting of workers who supported the Red Guards.

• 1971 September 17 [1971 September 15], “Wired Broadcasting System Extended to Most of Countryside”, in Daily Report, Foreign Radio Broadcasts‎^[3], number 181, →OCLC, page B 2:

  In Lushih County, Honan, situated deep in Funiu Mountain, when the great leader Chairman Mao's great call "united to win still greater victory" was heard over the loudspeaker during the Ninth CCP National Congress, the county revolutionary committee immediately called a meeting of the party member delegates with participation of the masses to study together and then to implement the call.

• 1977, Thomas P. Bernstein, “The Stability of the Settlement”, in Up to the Mountains and Down to the Villages: The Transfer of Youth from Urban to Rural China‎^[4], Yale University Press, →ISBN, →LCCN, →OCLC, page 258:

  Reassignment can rekindle the yearning for city life in UYs who have spent many years in the villages. A case in point is that of a young woman who settled in Ch’ien-chiang county, Hupei, in 1965, having come from Wuhan. She did well, joined the CCP in 1966, and became YCL branch secretary.

• 1978 February 2 [1978 January 31], “Shensi CCP Committee Denounces Mistakes in Student Enrollment”, in Daily Report: People's Republic of China‎^[5], volume I, number 23, →ISSN, →OCLC, page M 4:

  The Shensi Provincial CCP Committee recently issued a circular on its decision to take disciplinary action against (Tung Han-lu), deputy director of the Nancheng County Culture and Education Bureau, for making mistakes in student enrollment.

• 1985, David M. Bachman, “Chen Yun, 1905-1949”, in Chen Yun and the Chinese Political System‎^[6], →ISBN, →LCCN, →OCLC, page 25:

  In August 1948 the CCP convened the Sixth National Labor Conference in Haerbin. Chen was elected Chairman of the Union and delivered a major speech introducing themes he repeated in many other speeches over the next year.

• 1988, Stephen Uhalley, Jr., A History of the Chinese Communist Party‎^[7], Hoover Institution Press, →ISBN, →LCCN, →OCLC, page 16:

  By late August 1920, Chen established the first branch of the CCP, in Shanghai, comprising seven members.

• 1999, David S. G. Goodman, “The New Middle Class”, in Merle Goldman, Roderick MacFarquhar, editors, The Paradox of China's Post-Mao Reforms‎^[8], Harvard University Press, →ISBN, →LCCN, →OCLC, page 253:

  Zhao Guifa was born in Zhaojiabao, Qingxu county, Taiyuan, in 1940. He was originally the Zhaojiabao accountant and secretary of the CCP committee, having joined the CCP in 1973.

• 1999, Suzanne Pepper, “The Intelligentsia's Critique of the Chinese Communists”, in Civil War in China: The Political Struggle 1945-1949‎^[9], Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, →ISBN, →LCCN, →OCLC, page 200:

  The intelligentsia’s comments on the CCP were in many respects different from their critique of the KMT. Intellectuals in the KMT areas were naturally more familiar with the policies and performance of the Government than those of the CCP. Second, since they felt that the Government was in large measure responsible for the existing political situation, and that it still possessed the power to reform itself and end the war, they concentrated their efforts on the Government in the hope of compelling such action from it. By contrast, the CCP was relegated to the position of an opposition party which had yet to occupy any position of national power. This treatment of the CCP may have owed as much to the political restrictions under which the liberal press was operating as to the political biases of the liberals themselves. Nevertheless, their critique of the CCP, while admittedly based on less than ample information, gives the impression of having been made in good faith and was in all respects consistent with their fundamental ideological commitments.

• 2000, George C. Y. Wang, Taiwan (World Conflicts and Confrontations)‎^[10], volume 3, Salem Press, Inc., →ISBN, page 662:

  In 1935 the CCP's defeated army retreated to Yen-an in the northern part of Shanhsi Province. This retreat was called the Long March, during which tens of thousands of marchers died.

• 2019, Ching-Tse Cheng, “Chinese spy confirms China's involvement in Taiwan 2020 election”, in Taiwan News‎^[11]:

  Wang said that Beijing successfully backed several pro-China politicians, who won seats in the 2018 local elections. He added the CCP desperately wants to stop Taiwan President Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) from being re-elected.
  Wang also disclosed details about CCP's plans to take over Hong Kong and Australia, reported Liberty Times.

• 2020, “United States Strategic Approach to the People’s Republic of China”, in whitehouse.gov‎^[12], page 4:

  Beijing uses a combination of threat and inducement to pressure governments, elites, corporations, think tanks, and others – often in an opaque manner – to toe the CCP line and censor free expression.